Last year we had written about the re-trial of charges of conspiracy to import cocaine (with an estimated value of $2.1 million) against Ricky Montgomery, Bradley James Evans and Hayden Rogers before a jury of 12, presided over by Judge Peter Zahra in the Sydney District Court, based on information supplied by our then intrepid court reporter - who has since left our "employ" for more financially rewarding pursuits.
Eventually, after a trial of almost 5 months duration, in November 2007, the jury after deliberating for 4 hours, found all three men guilty. They were remanded in custody pending a sentencing hearing in March 2008. Unfortunately, we do not have details of the sentencing outcome, and will try and track that down.
One of the major players in the police investigation which led to the arrest of the 3 men, was a Mark Standen, a senior officer of the NSW Crime Commission.
Tonight, Mr Standen is enjoying the same hospitality of the NSW Corrective Services as provided to the three men he was instrumental in locking up, pending his bail hearing on 11 June 2008. Unbeknown to him, and the community generally, throughout the trial last year (and indeed since May 2007 until his arrest on 2 June 2008) he was under surveillance by Australian Federal Police in relation to a plan to import into Australia material which could be manufactured into "ice". The value of the "ice' to be manufactured is estimated at $120million.
Mr Standen is entitled to the presumption of innocence.
The executive summary of the paper by John Wilkinson , Education in Country and City New South Wales , states:
Evidence exists of differences, in levels of achievement, between country and city students in New South Wales
Governments have attempted to respond, to perceived differences in performance,by instituting programs to enhance achievement
Researchers have pointed to high staff turnover as a contributing factor to differences in performance, between country and city students
Retaining students, to year 12, appears to be a particular issue in providing education to students in rural areas.
Despite the learned views of Mr Wilkinson, Richard Torbay MP (NorthernTablelands) claims that "the public schools in our region are second to none".
Now the views of both John Wilkinson and Richard Torbay MP can't be correct.
IF Mr Torbay's view is correct the necessary conclusions are that the current system is working as well as could be hoped for. Further, whether the situation is achieved by horizontal equity funding or vertical equity funding, here is no justification for changing the current system, and he would presumably reject the recommendations of Mr Wilkinson, that a type of vertical equity funding to regional schools be considered to bring schools throughout the state to a status of equality. Indeed, if further funding along the lines suggested.by Mr Wilkinson were introduced, it would be inequitable, as it would create a gap,to the advantage of country students.
In his conclusion Mr Wilkinson says :
The above survey of country students, contrasted with their metropolitan counterparts, seems to bear out the conclusions of Sue Helme and her colleagues at the University of Melbourne (expressed in a 2007 study of rural educational inequality), that “differences between rural and urban locations receive little attention. Yet, in many systems, inequalities of place are both persistent and powerful.” In considering the factors that may alleviate this situation, some argue that a higher percentage of funds should be devoted specifically to improving the performance of schoolchildren in rural areas.
Another factor, highlighted by Helme and her colleagues, is staff turnover. In their opinion, "Staffing difficulties. . .constitute a significant barrier to higher retention and success rates. . .Difficulties with recruitment and retention mean that higher proportions of country teachers tend to be inexperienced, while few choose to stay beyond the minimum period."
The Iemma government has shown that it's actions in introducing "family friendly" hours to parliament, was for reasons other than a desire to be family friendly. What was propounded as the guiding principle in introducing a new sitting timetable early in 2008, namely the need to allow MPs to attend to their families, has now been ditched.
On 3 June 2008 the government rammed through parliament further changes to the sitting timetable which will apply from now until 30 June, 2008. The parliament will sit unrestricted hours, with the end time on each day to be determined by the government according to it's fancy.
We applaud the temporary change in the sitting timetable. The NSW community may get some bang for the taxpayers buck, out of what in 2008 has been a lazy, lazy, lazy parliament.
We condemn the government for it's hypocrisy. It introduced the new timetable in 2008 because of an over-riding principle of "family-friendly". Now it has ditched that over-riding principle. The government's lack of embarrassment at ditching a policy portrayed at the time as very dear to it's heart, indicates the government lacks moral standards. It's guiding principles appear to be "What ever it takes" and "Spin not Substance".
Peter Draper MP (Tamworth) has expressed 'delight" with the NSW Budget delivered by Michael Costa MLC on 3 June 2008.
Such is based on what Mr Draper says is record spending on "investments" in the Tamworth electorate. He says "investment" in the Tamworth electorate has risen by $47 million over the 2007 budget, to $129 million.
We are not certain where Mr Draper obtains his figures from - and whether they are accurate. Unfortunately, Mr Draper has a history of relying on figures provided to him by the government of the day,and accepting them without question and without any independent investigation as to their veracity.
However, for the purposes only of examining Mr Draper's delight, we shall use the figures provided by him.
Mr Draper claims that "investments" in the Tamworth electorate have been : 2003 - $9 million 2004 - $18 million 2005 - $35 million 2006 - $67 million 2007 - $82 million 2008 - $129 million
The total NSW budget allocations for capital works and services has been :
2003 - $3,589 million 2004 - $2,711 million 2005 - $3,348 million 2006 - $3,335 million 2007 - $3,576 million 2008 - $4,133 million
CAUTION : We do not have sufficient knowledge to know what Mr Draper means by "investments" or whether "investments" are equivalent to the appropriations or capital works and services. Further, the figures for appropriations do not mean the sums were spent. Often appropriations are rolled over from year to year, without the money available for allocation actually being spent - a form of double/triple/etc accounting.
Comparing the increases in Tamworth "investments" with the increases in capital works and services appropriations we see :
Year
Tamworth "investment" increase on prior year
NSW capital works and services increase on prior year
2004
+100%
-24%
2005
+94%
+24%
2006
+91%
0%
2007
+22%
+7%
2008
+57%
+16%
These figures to say the least are "extra-ordinary". One possible explanation for such extra-ordinary figures is that we "have the bull by the tail".
Looking at the state wide capital works and services appropriations, the Tamworth "investment" represents in 2008 3.1% of the total (in 2003 it was 0.2%, 2004 = 0.7%, 2005 = 1%, 2006 = 2% and 2007 = 2.2%).
Given that horizontal equity would require 1.05% of funds to be delivered to the Tamworth electorate, the "extra-ordinariness" of the figures is highlighted.
It is no wonder Mr Draper is "delighted" with the budget on a micro level, and has failed to offer a critical appraisal of it at a macro level.
WINDSOR ADVISES NATIONALS TO BECOME AN INDEPENDENT PARTY.
In what must be the most extra-ordinary statement made by a politician, Tony Windsor MP (federal New England), has advised the National Party to become an "independent party" and break from coalition with the Liberal Party.
Extra-ordinary because you would expect Tony Windsor to be advocating rural MP's become truly independent, pointing out the evils of the party system with it's closed door back room deals and requirement that MP's vote according to the views of the majority of the party, rather than in accordance with their own consciences. It seems in his recommendation to the National Party, Mr Windsor does not see the party system as a hindrance, but rather sees it as beneficial, provided the party itself is"independent".
Maybe Mr Windsor has become blinded to the party system. In NSW it seems the rural independents act like a Rural Independent Party - in close alliance with the NSW Labor Party.
Strangely, his "advice" was given shortly after he confidently predicted on 28 May 2008 : "The National party will merge at a federal level with the Liberal Party within months. " However, the merger that Tony Windsor has staked his credibility on - looks like a figment of a fertile imagination - especially since a vote was taken in the federal parliament on the wheat single desk issue. Within a few days, Tony Windsor appears to have changed tack and is now suggesting that there won't be a merger - rather the Liberal Party intend to "kill off" the National Party.
Tony Windsor MP is starting to look a little like Morris Iemma - not knowing whether he is Tina or Tony ( Agnes or Morris).
Minister for Health, Reba Meagher MP survived a no-confidence motion moved against her in the NSW Parliament on 3 June 2008 by virtue of a vote of 32-50.
Independent MP's voted in the following manner :
No confidence - Rob Oakeshott MP (Port Macquarie).
Confidence - Peter Draper MP (Tamworth), Dawn Fardell MP (Dubbo) , Clover Moore MP (Sydney) and Greg Piper MP (Lake Macquarie).
No vote : Richard Torbay MP (Northern Tablelands) - in the chair.
The motion of no-confidence moved was :
That this House no longer has confidence in the Minister for Health for: (1) Misleading Parliament on 6 March 2008 when she claimed background checks were not conducted on Dr Graeme Reeves before he was employed despite a Health Department memo confirming a check was conducted by at least one senior bureaucrat. (2) Failing to respond to community concerns about Dr Reeves .
We stated previously that a Minister who misleads the house should resign. If the minister does not resign, the Premier should sack the minister. If the Premier fails to do so, it is appropriate for the parliament to pass a motion of no confidence in the minister.
We stated previously that misleading the house means making a statement which is untrue. We further stated that it did not matter if the statement was deliberately false (commonly called a lie) or made negligently or without due inquiry - the principle applied if the statement was false.
We are not certain of the level of satisfaction that an MP must have in order to support a no-confidence motion. For example, should an MP only support a no-confidence motion if the MP has the highest level of satisfaction that the Minister had mislead the house, or would a satisfaction that the Minister had done so on the preponderance of the available information suffice ? We suggest that the level of satisfaction required is somewhere more than the preponderance of evidence but much less than the highest level of satisfaction.
The real question in this motion was whether Reba Meagher had misled the house when she said on 6 March 2008 the Area Health Service had "failed to perform background checks" on Dr Reeves. There were clearly 2 background checks carried out - a police check and a telephone call to a colleague of Dr Reeves. Reba Meagher argued that the statement was not misleading because what she meant on 6 March 2008 was not that the Health Service failed to carry out any background checks, but rather that it failed to carry out appropriate cheks.
Whilst minds may differ on the meaning of her original statement and her later explanation we are firmly of the view that the statement as made on 6 March 2008 was misleading. We say we are satisfied of that, to a high level of satisfaction, although we are not satisfied to the highest possible level of satisfaction. Certainly our level of satisfaction is much higher than the preponderance of information.
During the debate Reba Meagher did not enhance her standing in the eyes of the community. She, extra-ordinarily failed to attend the chamber throughout the debate. Her late arrival in the chamber almost cost her the opportunity to speak to the motion, and she was saved by the grace of the Speaker who interpreted the rules in a way most favourable to her. Whilst in the chamber she engaged in regular interjections. In our own view it was not behaviour becoming of a Minister of the Crown.